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April 16, 2026

What to do About the Kill Switch

The National Interest
By Vass Bednar
Managing Director

Do you ever think about how much of your life could be cut off if your Google Account was suspended?

You’d lose emails, of course. But how many of your other digital account logins rely on access to your Gmail? If you use Google Calendar or Google Photos, all of that data (potentially decades of photos!) would be gone too.

If you have an Android phone, or you save a lot of files in Google Drive, you might be in deep trouble.

This isn’t a hypothetical. The internet is littered with stories of people whose lives are thrown into chaos by exactly this experience.

And it’s not just Google. People routinely post about similar experiences losing vast swaths of their life when Apple accounts are unilaterally terminated.

Justices from the International Criminal Court, including Canadian Kimberly Prost, have talked about the massive disruption they’ve experienced after being cut off from credit cards and Google accounts, due to U.S. sanctions.

These ordeals are the result of Google, Apple and other big tech companies having a “kill switch” that gets flipped.

A kill switch is a safety or security mechanism designed to immediately shut down machinery, electrical circuits or software. They can be protective and useful (like Apple’s ‘Find My’) but they can also be weaponized. 

Kill switches are points of control built into critical systems that let whoever operates them shut access off, degrade the service, or limit functionality. While they aren’t always literal buttons or physical switches, the mechanism is the same: an abrupt interruption to your ability to use essential infrastructure.

For Canada, the riskiest kill switches might be the ones that could cut off government services. 

The federal government now defines digital sovereignty as maintaining control over our own digital future — including data, technology and essential online services. As it stands, foreign service providers currently have the theoretical ability to use kill switches over huge swaths of Canada’s cloud infrastructure, including government systems.

Canada tends to talk about sovereignty in the language of tariffs, resources and borders. But sovereignty in 2026 also means asking harder questions about account access and platform control. A kill switch can be much more than a protective product feature; it’s an expression of power. And a country that ignores who holds those switches is not fully sovereign at all.

We don’t need to be invaded by the U.S. to be constrained by the administration. We could get logged out, geo-blocked, or told a service we rely on is no longer available under revised terms. Power now lives deep inside the private infrastructure that mediates modern life. That’s why rethinking Canada’s digital sovereignty matters. 

But there’s another dimension to the kill switches that loom over our digital lives: It’s a particularly blunt and brutal form of governance. 

In all those Reddit threads of people getting cut off from their Google or Apple accounts, there’s usually some aspect of an automated system flagging some kind of suspicious behaviour. Viewed through this lens, we are all living our lives inside various digital systems where there’s no democratic process, the rules are privately set and opaque, the appeals process is nearly nonexistent, and the punishment for violating the rules is being permanently exiled.

So much of the digital sovereignty conversation focuses on the ways that Canada can insulate itself from the kill switch — by moving data to Canadian-controlled infrastructure, mainly.

But governance needs to be a bigger part of the conversation.

But governance needs to be a bigger part of the conversation.

The problem with thinking strictly in terms of a “kill switch” is that it is inherently catastrophic. It’s all-or-nothing. It fixates on the possibility of digital access being fully cut off, and if that apocalyptic scenario never arrives, then the concern remains purely hypothetical. 

The strongest policy response doesn’t seek to ban kill switches in the abstract; instead, the best strategy is likely to be about making digital platforms less powerful by giving users the right to repair, interoperate and exit. 

The Competition Bureau has explicitly argued that portability lowers switching barriers, and has championed portability and interoperability. The Bureau argues that this would allow people to work together to move their data across providers.

Canada has moved partway in this direction: Bill C-294 amended the Copyright Act to allow circumvention of technological protection measures in certain cases to make software or devices interoperable.

Canada could go beyond that narrow copyright exception and require that manufacturers and dominant providers cannot use software locks to prevent unlawful repair.

The government’s own digital sovereignty framework already flags service continuity, alternate recovery methods, and business continuity planning as being central to sovereignty. 

The most coherent model so far comes from the E.U.’s Digital Markets Act, which targets gatekeeper power and includes interoperability and end-user portability obligations.

The scale of our digital interdependencies with the U.S. can make our lack of digital sovereignty feel inevitable, or like we are stuck with all this. 

But being stuck is also a policy choice. For too long, Canada has tolerated a digital environment where exit is costly, repair is constrained, and continuity depends too heavily on the discretion of foreign firms.

Canada could regulate dominant digital platforms and connected products as potential points of infrastructural control. The squishiness with kill switches is not just that they exist, but that they sit inside concentrated systems people cannot easily leave, inspect, repair or route around. Public policy can flip that switch.

More from Shield

Ever since Prime Minister Mark Carney visited the European Parliament in September, we’ve been thinking about what a deeper alliance across the Atlantic Ocean could mean. As we hit send on this email, Carney is meeting with António Costa, President of the European Council, and Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, in Montreal. At the end of it all, we’re expecting an announcement of … something. There have been a lot of anonymous tips in news reporting, but at the Canadian Shield Institute, we prefer to read the formal communiqué rather than trying to interpret whispers. In the run-up to the summit, we’ve been doing a bit of research, and we published a few articles to set the stage. EU Media Marketplace The Europeans are trying to break the AdTech duopoly. Canadian companies have tried to work together to create an alternative to Google and Meta’s dominance. So far, Canada’s efforts have fallen flat. Will this new EU enterprise fare any better? Read our analysis here. We find this whole situation very interesting for two reasons: First, Canada and Europe have a lot of the same problems right now. We’re all trying to figure out how to reduce vulnerability from the United States, and that vulnerability extends to digital reliance on private-sector technology platforms. It seems like we could benefit by joining forces, but it’s going to take some work figuring out exactly what that looks like in practice. Second, AdTech is just really interesting! Programmatic targeted advertising is the economic engine of the internet, and in turn this kind of advertising is hugely influential on culture and society. AdTech dictates what kinds of businesses thrive and what kinds of content gets posted online. Once you start researching it, AdTech quickly starts to look like one of the most important dimensions of digital sovereignty. If the online economy is entirely dominated by systems controlled by a handful of big American technology companies, realistically both Canada and the EU will always be on the back foot on digital governance. Digital Services Trade Speaking of being on the back foot, did you know that U.S. digital services exports to Canada are worth more than all the autos, steel, aluminum, lumber, potash and electricity put together? Why aren’t we talking about digital trade policy more in the negotiations with the United States? Read our analysis here. And the European Union is in a similar position. The EU has done a lot more to assert digital governance, but their trade deficit on digital services just keeps going up. This is a kind of reliance that creates a meaningful vulnerability if the United States keeps playing hardball. Read our analysis about EU digital trade here. Digital services might be a promising area for Canada and the European Union to work together. When the final communiqué is delivered from the Canada-EU summit, we will be combing through it for specific mentions of digital trade collaboration. Digital Sovereignty Policy Despite the EU’s digital dependence, we see a lot to admire in how the Europeans have been trying to assert their digital sovereignty. To be blunt: They’re trying things! Canada has often been slow to pass meaningful digital regulation, and quick to walk back policies that offend the Americans. The EU has enacted some really interesting regulations. Could Canada use “digital trade alignment” as cover to follow the EU’s lead? Read our analysis here. The Bottom Line Overall, when it comes to digital governance, we have a lot of hard work ahead of us. Digital policy is complicated and opaque, and it’s not enough to just pass a good law. Ongoing enforcement is a real challenge too. But this is one of the most pressing policy issues of our time, and with the accelerating deployment of AI systems, this issue is only going to become more urgent. It’s not as easy as striking a deal to sell soybeans, but digital governance is an area where Canada and the EU are natural partners, and it’s something we should be working on.

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