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June 17, 2026

Can C-36 Oppose Foreign Data Overreach?

Matthew da Mota, Research Director, National Security and Emerging Technology
and Emily Osborne, Research Associate

For people who follow data governance closely, extraterritorial access is a widely-discussed concern. U.S. laws like the CLOUD Act and FISA allow the American government to compel companies that operate in the United States to disclose private data upon request.

It is generally agreed that major U.S. companies will obey these laws, and when asked, Microsoft has essentially confirmed as much.

So with C-36, the “Protecting Privacy and Consumer Data Act” tabled in Parliament this week, one immediate question is whether the law would have anything to say about cross-border data flows, and extraterritorial access.

The bottom line: C-36 does not really address these vulnerabilities. In fact, when AI Minister Evan Solomon was asked by journalists about the issue, he said that Canadian law cannot override other nations’ laws. This is fundamentally true, but it also indicates an unwillingness to play hardball — using Canadian law to try to compel Big Tech’s harmful behaviours.

The question was never whether we could change U.S. law with Canadian legislation, but whether we could create laws or policy tools that block American surveillance and intelligence gathering, when it comes to Canadians’ data being stored on Canadian soil.

While Solomon is correct that we cannot override the U.S. legal regime, we can make the cost of compliance much greater by establishing conflicting domestic laws. A “blocking statute” does just that: it is a tool expressly designed to create a conflict between domestic laws and foreign laws or orders.

We look at this idea in-depth in Chapter 7 of Foundations of Digital Sovereignty, but the short version is: a blocking statute would explicitly say companies operating in Canada cannot comply with orders made under the U.S. CLOUD Act without the request first being subject to Canadian judicial oversight. If penalties are properly enforced, this makes the choice to comply with U.S. laws a lot less obvious for companies.

A blocking statute does not have to come as a part of privacy legislation; in fact, C-36 may not be the appropriate venue at all. However, without such a statute yet on the books this legislation seems to at best be neutral on reducing vulnerabilities to the CLOUD Act and at worst might in fact enhance those vulnerabilities.

So what does C-36 actually do on cross-border data flows? The bill has three main sections that pertain to the transfer of data across borders and to the collection of data in service of law enforcement and intelligence gathering, including by or for foreign governments.

In section 39, C-36 gives organizations leeway to use personal information of individuals without their consent, if the company has reason to suspect that the information might be useful in a criminal investigation — and this applies to federal, provincial, and foreign jurisdictions.

Specifically for law enforcement purposes, Sections 42 and 43 of the C-36 allows for the disclosure of personal information (without an individual’s knowledge or consent) in cases where it is requested by government institutions for the purposes of administering or enforcing laws, conducting investigations, or gathering intelligence — again, in provincial, federal and foreign jurisdictions.

What is captured under this term “government institution” is still unclear and might refer only to Government of Canada institutions requisition information, but may potentially implicate foreign governments as well. The details of this will be further specified in subsequent regulations as per subsection 139(1c).

Companies with U.S. headquarters, which constitute much of our digital infrastructure, will likely already comply with the CLOUD Act either way, but this provides a provision through which the Government of Canada can also compel companies to disclose information that may support U.S. intelligence collecting and investigations.

In many ways this is nothing new but it is an indication of the government’s intention to continue and perhaps deepen our integration with the U.S. intelligence apparatus. This may be necessary for security purposes but we should be clear-eyed about what’s happening here, and the government should explain why it’s necessary.

It is worth dwelling on what these provisions actually do. Far from shielding Canadians from foreign data demands, these sections are permissive carve-outs from consent that expressly authorize use and disclosure for investigations in foreign jurisdictions. This not only doesn’t resist or counter the CLOUD Act, it seems to support the core tenet of the American law by creating a clear path for companies to follow U.S. laws if asked.

And the timing invites an uncomfortable question: right now the government is also advancing Bill C-22, which threatens to undermine end-to-end encryption and compels service providers to assist law enforcement and CSIS — in some cases without a warrant.

C-22 and C-36 work to build potentially important intelligence gathering capabilities for the Canadian government, but also these laws establish a framework where Canadians’ privacy is subordinate to national security and law enforcement investigations.

Another notable aspect of the new data privacy law, C-36, comes in Section 57, where the government stipulates that transfer of information outside of Canada can only be done if the organization does a privacy impact assessment.

The government has not yet defined the parameters of these impact assessments, but organizations will need to  “implement measures to mitigate the risks identified in the privacy impact assessment”.

Examples of such mitigations provided in the document are contractual privacy protection measures, adherence to a code of practice or certification process approved by the Division or any other prescribed measures.” In theory, this provision looks like a digital sovereignty win: providing greater safeguards from extraterritorial overreach.

However, the Section 57 safeguards — contractual clauses, codes of practice, certification — have been deemed insufficient by courts in the European Union. A contractual clause could not stop a CLOUD Act warrant.

When fielding questions from journalists on Parliament Hill, Minister Solomon said, “no law here can undermine the legal regime in another country. We can’t override another country’s legal regime.”

That may be true, but it also sounds like admitting defeat. In reality, there are real strategies that other countries have tried to limit the scope of foreign laws and extraterritorial overreach. We delve into some of those ideas in Foundations of Digital Sovereignty in both Chapter 5 and Chapter 7. (And we touch on it a little bit in Chapter 4, too!)

The bottom line with C-36 is that it updates the law, but in terms of extraterritorial access to Canadian data, we’re really no better off than we were before — even if companies maybe need to do some privacy assessment paperwork in the future.


Read previous chapters of Foundations of Digital Sovereignty here:

Chapter 1 – Governance is the Foundation of Digital Sovereignty

Chapter 2 – The Weaponization of Governance

Chapter 3 – Invisible Assets

Chapter 4 – Exploited and Underutilized

Chapter 5 – Clouds Without Borders

Chapter 6 – Procuring Sovereignty in the Cloud

Chapter 7 – Back to Basics

More from Shield

Ever since Prime Minister Mark Carney visited the European Parliament in September, we’ve been thinking about what a deeper alliance across the Atlantic Ocean could mean. As we hit send on this email, Carney is meeting with António Costa, President of the European Council, and Ursula von der Leyen, President of the European Commission, in Montreal. At the end of it all, we’re expecting an announcement of … something. There have been a lot of anonymous tips in news reporting, but at the Canadian Shield Institute, we prefer to read the formal communiqué rather than trying to interpret whispers. In the run-up to the summit, we’ve been doing a bit of research, and we published a few articles to set the stage. EU Media Marketplace The Europeans are trying to break the AdTech duopoly. Canadian companies have tried to work together to create an alternative to Google and Meta’s dominance. So far, Canada’s efforts have fallen flat. Will this new EU enterprise fare any better? Read our analysis here. We find this whole situation very interesting for two reasons: First, Canada and Europe have a lot of the same problems right now. We’re all trying to figure out how to reduce vulnerability from the United States, and that vulnerability extends to digital reliance on private-sector technology platforms. It seems like we could benefit by joining forces, but it’s going to take some work figuring out exactly what that looks like in practice. Second, AdTech is just really interesting! Programmatic targeted advertising is the economic engine of the internet, and in turn this kind of advertising is hugely influential on culture and society. AdTech dictates what kinds of businesses thrive and what kinds of content gets posted online. Once you start researching it, AdTech quickly starts to look like one of the most important dimensions of digital sovereignty. If the online economy is entirely dominated by systems controlled by a handful of big American technology companies, realistically both Canada and the EU will always be on the back foot on digital governance. Digital Services Trade Speaking of being on the back foot, did you know that U.S. digital services exports to Canada are worth more than all the autos, steel, aluminum, lumber, potash and electricity put together? Why aren’t we talking about digital trade policy more in the negotiations with the United States? Read our analysis here. And the European Union is in a similar position. The EU has done a lot more to assert digital governance, but their trade deficit on digital services just keeps going up. This is a kind of reliance that creates a meaningful vulnerability if the United States keeps playing hardball. Read our analysis about EU digital trade here. Digital services might be a promising area for Canada and the European Union to work together. When the final communiqué is delivered from the Canada-EU summit, we will be combing through it for specific mentions of digital trade collaboration. Digital Sovereignty Policy Despite the EU’s digital dependence, we see a lot to admire in how the Europeans have been trying to assert their digital sovereignty. To be blunt: They’re trying things! Canada has often been slow to pass meaningful digital regulation, and quick to walk back policies that offend the Americans. The EU has enacted some really interesting regulations. Could Canada use “digital trade alignment” as cover to follow the EU’s lead? Read our analysis here. The Bottom Line Overall, when it comes to digital governance, we have a lot of hard work ahead of us. Digital policy is complicated and opaque, and it’s not enough to just pass a good law. Ongoing enforcement is a real challenge too. But this is one of the most pressing policy issues of our time, and with the accelerating deployment of AI systems, this issue is only going to become more urgent. It’s not as easy as striking a deal to sell soybeans, but digital governance is an area where Canada and the EU are natural partners, and it’s something we should be working on.

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